DOUBLE
SPECIAL ISSUE
Volume 2,
Issue 13
July 19, 2000

SOUTH-EAST EUROPEAN INFORMATION NETWORK

Stability Pact Watch


IN THIS ISSUE: - part 2
  • From The Correspondent's Notebook
  • Montenegro Tomorrow:
    A Sovereign State But of What Sort?
  • Kosovo: A "Lollypop" for the Naive Diplomats?
  • Recent Publications
  • Moralistic Foreing Policy Sometimes Does Good

  


 

From The Correspondent's Notebook...

Kosovo

Romania

A new phase of training at the Kosovo Police Service School began on 3 July with a training course for Kosovo police officers who have potential to rise through the ranks to become supervisors, according to an OSCE press release issued on 30 June. "We want to create a pool of potential supervisors," said Rin Shadforth, chief of staff of the school. The press release stated that the course -- for which 15 men and 1 woman have been chosen -- will focus on leadership, management training and motivation, all steps toward the construction of "a democratic, trained police force for Kosovo."

  

On July 10, the Parliamentary Assembly of the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) elected Romanian parliamentarian Adrian Severin as its new president in Bucharest. Severin is a former foreign minister, and the first person from South, Central or Eastern Europe to serve as president of the parliamentary body. In an address to the assembly, he said his main priorities would be "to make the OSCE Parliamentary Assembly the most important source of vision and the primary advisory body to the OSCE governmental Institutions."

Serbia

Romania

The Yugoslav parliament this week voted through constitutional changes enabling President Slobodan Milosevic to run for re-election when his current mandate runs out in a year's time. The changes throw down the gauntlet to Serbia's divided opposition and Montenegro's pro-Western president, Milo Djukanovic. Under the new system, the country's president and parliament will be elected directly through the ballot box - providing Milosevic with an opportunity to secure a second term in office and dramatically reducing the status of Serbia's sister republic, Montenegro

  

- In Budapest on 28 June, Romanian State Secretary and Stability Pact national coordinator Razvan-Mihai Ungureanu had a meeting with his Hungarian counterpart as Romania is to officially take over the co-chairmanship of the Working Table 1. Mr. Panayotis Roumeliotis, chairman of the WT1 and Mr. Donald Kursch, first deputy of the SP special coordinator, also attended the meeting. Romania is particularly interested in strengthening the involvement of the civil society from the region in the Stability Pact process. In this context, one of the main targets of the Romanian co-chairmanship is planned to be the drafting of a regional Charter for non-governmental organizations.

Kosovo

Albania

On 29 June, the European Commission announced that it would contribute 35 million euros to programs designed to help rebuild economic institutions and support health care reforms in Kosovo. The programs, which will be implemented by the European Agency for Reconstruction in Kosovo, will earmark 25 million euros for economic reconstruction and 10 million euros for health care reform.

  

In a report published at the end of June, the Council of Europe's Parliamentary Assembly in Strasbourg declared that after years of political instability, Albania has made significant progress in honouring its obligations and commitments as a Council of Europe member. The report said that significant steps had been taken by the Albanian authorities despite the social and economic crisis of 1997 and the conflict in Kosovo in 1999. In particular, they have adopted a new constitution, abolished de facto capital punishment, reformed the electoral system, voted in laws on electronic media and reorganised the judiciary and the police. The authorities have made efforts to curb corruption, but the report underlines that this phenomenon is nonetheless increasing and is probably responsible for the 40% reduction in the levels of foreign investment. The Assembly encouraged the Albanian authorities, asking them to speed up and conclude some procedures, including the signing and ratification of certain Council of Europe conventions.

Kosovo

Bosnia

The World Committee for Press Freedom recently expressed concern at what it described as the unilateral introduction of regulations for electronic media in Kosovo by UNMIK chief Bernard Kouchner. The Committee, describing the decree as the dictatorial regulation of media, said it was a dangerous precedent that could be used by Balkan dictatorships to justify their own censorship. "The proclamation of decrees without any sign of a legislative process is not the rule of rights; it is the imposition of personal authority," said the Committee. Kouchner imposed the media regulations after the murder of a Serb whose alleged crimes, together with his address, were published in an Albanian newspaper. The newspaper Dita published an article on 27 April under the title "When Petar becomes Peter" claiming that Petar Topoljski had committed war crimes during the NATO attacks on Kosovo, along with a photograph and the addresses of his home and place of work. He was murdered several days later and UNMIK alleged that Dita was responsible for the murder. The author of the article and the paper's editor-in-chief have been detained for interrogation a number of times.

  

Testifying before the US Congress' Commission for Security and Cooperation in Europe, the head of the OSCE mission in BH, Robert Barry, stressed that this was not the time to give up on BH or to revise the Dayton Accords. Barry deems that the elections in autumn will bring new progress in favour of the alternative to the national parties in power and that the process of return will speed up. At the Vienna meeting of the Stability Pact dedicated to combatting organised crime, the Minister of Internal Affairs of the BH Federation, Mehmed Zilic proposed that a Directorate for Police Affairs be established at national level. There are no central police forces in BH, only police at the levels of entities, cantons and municipalities

Serbia

Kosovo

Yugoslavia submitted a demand to a Belgrade court calling on Romania and an Austrian company to pay US$2 million for damages caused by a cyanide spill in the river Tisza. Yugoslav state attorney Milos Bojovic said that an out-of-court settlement was possible if Romania "accepts its responsibility and expresses readiness to compensate the damage," quoted AFP.

The Central Elections Committee (CEC) has adopted the rules governing the registration of candidates for the forthcoming municipal elections in Kosovo, according to an OSCE press release issued on 12 July. Twenty political parties, citizens' initiatives and coalitions were certified to run in the elections. They must submit a list of candidates for each municipality in which they intend to contest the elections by 21 July.

Romania
The international conference on "Rebuilding Security and Confidence in the Balkan Region" took place in Mangalia, Romania, on 9-11 July.
NATO officials, representatives of NATO and PfP countries and representatives from the ex-Yugoslavian region attended the conference.
Participants discussed the present state of the Balkans, focusing on the future of the Kosovo region and potential developments in Bosnia and Herzegovina and Montenegro. In addition, they tried to identify efficient ways of building confidence and promoting stability in the region.
The conference was organized by the Institute for Defense Studies and Military History in Bucharest, together with the European Center for Security Studies "George C. Marshall", the National Defense University in Washington, the NATO Press and Information Bureau and the "Manfred Worner" Association.

 
Return of refugees and displaced persons in Bosnia
LACK OF STRATEGIC APPROACH

Recently, Sarajevo's daily Oslobodenje published an article on the stand of the Helsinki Committee for Human Right in Bosnia and Herzegovina concerning the problem of return of refugees and displaced persons, and based on an interview with the President of the Committee Srdan Dizdarevic (Mr. Dizdarevic is a SEEPIN co-ordinator for BH). According to the data available, about 2,550,000 citizens from Bosnia and Herzegovina, i.e. more than 56% of the population, moved from their pre-war places of residence during the period 1992-1995.
"Today, more than four years after the end of the warfare and after the application of the Dayton Accords started, 712,000 persons are outside of BH, while 810,000 have the status of persons internally displaced within BH. If we add to this that the return of the so-called minority peoples is negligible, and that each of these minority groups, taken separately, does not make even 10% of the population in any of the municipalities, it only remains to say that the process of return is slow and that we cannot be satisfied with it in the least", said Dizdarevic. According to him, the problem of return is inherently the issue of respect for human rights that are being grossly and massively violated in BH today. This refers to fundamental human rights and freedoms like the right to free choice of place of residence, to proper housing, to freedom of movement, to property, to employment and to freedom of religion and education.
Dizdarevic stressed: "There are a number of elements that caused the extremely slow implementation of one of the main goals of the Peace Accords. From the outset of the process of implementation of Annex 7 there has been a lack of strategic approach to this issue. The issue of return was dealt with piecemeal, and this concerned both the approach of the international community and the policy of domestic authorities. The return was treated as an experiment, without the definition of even the basic assumptions of its implementation. The governmental authorities in BH, which have undertaken the major part of the commitments in relation to the return, continued consistently with their war aims, i.e. the establishment of ethnically clean territories".
The President of the Helsinki Committee for Human Right in BH warns that the representatives of the international community "think that the solution is to divide us at the seams". He pointed out that what also has an impact upon the issue of return was the fact that the foundations of the rule of law had not yet been established, that there was still no independent judiciary and that the associations of refugees and displaced persons were fragmented. He reiterated his own stand and the joint stand taken at the recent gathering in Mostar concerning the return, that it was necessary for IPTF and SFOR to be engaged to a greater extent in the process of return.


This autumn in Zagreb
NEW SUMMIT FOR SEE COUNTRIES?

At the beginning of July, the Council of Ministers of the EU discussed the situation of the Western Balkans, and decided to call a summit of the South Eastern European countries during the autumn. Hubert Vedrine, the French Foreign Minister, proposed that only representatives of the countries in the region should participate at that meeting. The summit is likely to take place in Zagreb during the period 24-25 October, depending on elections that are due in Yugoslavia around that time.
The aims of the summit, according to the decisions of the EU Council of Ministers, will be to reaffirm accession to the EU, to define relations between every country in the region and the EU and to reaffirm that Yugoslavia is welcome to be part of the "European family" "only "as a democratic state, ready to cooperate and to live peacefully with its neighbours".
Preparations for the summit are well underway, and it seems that Bodo Hombach will be included. French representatives think that the participation of other countries would make the summit weak and fruitless. However, it would not be out of the question for other countries to send representatives to monitor the summit's progress.
The European Union hopes the summit will result in a strong political message including the will to cooperate, to strengthen the process of democratization and to develop good neighbourly relations in exchange for integration into the EU. The British Foreign Secretary, Robin Cook, believes it would be very useful for candidate countries seeking membership of the EU, such as the Czech Republic, Hungary, Romania and Bulgaria, to be invited. His idea is that neighbouring countries should take an active part in the prevention of conflict in the region. Germany commented that the EU "should not slow down the process of reconciliation and it would be a shame if the summit resulted in yet another family photograph." The summit must produce an "essential political agenda", commented Belgian representatives.
The ministers' speeches are focused on the speeding up of the process of signing the Stabilization and Association Agreement with Croatia (Chris Patten promised a final proposal by the end of July), and the signing of the same Agreement with Macedonia by the end of the year. Their conclusion is that situation in the region is calming down, except in Serbia. Full stabilisation of the region is possible only after the democratization of Serbia, provided that that comes "from inside", i.e. from its citizens.


  QUOTATIONS:
"To me, Europe is the road that will extricate us from the Orient."
Ivan Kostov, Bulgarian Prime Minister, said at a meeting of the Central and Eastern European Summit 2000 in Salzburg, according to BTA. He noted that Bulgaria plays a strategic role in southeastern Europe and is a bastion of stability in a volatile region

***
"I express regret to all the citizens of the Republic of Croatia, especially the citizens of Konavle and Dubrovnik, for all the pain, all the suffering and all material damage inflicted on them by any representative of Montenegro as member of JNA during the tragic developments in the past years... Should it be determined that Montenegro ought to pay war indemnities to Croatia, we will not hesitate to do it... If any of the citizens of Montenegro should be on the list of war criminals, we will make sure that he appear in The Hague in order to eliminate the guilt from entire Montenegro."
Milo Djukanovic, President of Montenegro, during his visit to Croatia in late June

***
"I don't believe that Montenegro will stay in Yugoslavia. The only real way out for Montenegro is its state independence."
Ivica Racan, Croatian Prime Minister, 7 July, in an interview to Zagreb's weekly Globus

***
"Four years ago opposition parties ignored us when we offered them a 'Programme of Radical Economic Reforms' boasting that each of them had its own economic programme. Today, that same opposition accepts and signs our programme of the economic reconstruction of Serbia in the post-Milosevic period."
Mladjen Dinkic, member of a Group 17 Plus on a document signed in June by all leaders of the democratic opposition in Serbia with the exsception of the President of the Serbian Renewal Movement (SPO), Vuk Draskovic, who didn't think it necessary to even respond to the invitation of G17 Plus to come to talks about that problem. The document was called "Proposal to the Stability Pact for South-East Europe for Donors' Conference for the Reconstruction of Serbia in the Period After Milosevic".

***
"Yugoslav President Slobodan Milosevic has shown the world how to destroy any legislation and any constitution…"
Vienna daily Die Presse article, July 7


Montenegro Tomorrow - A Sovereign State But of What Sort?

Nebojsa Medojevic (medo@cg.yu), an independent economist in Podgorica and member of the Group 17, writes about the chellenges that Montenegro is facing today

The question of emancipation and independency of Montenegro is nowadays more frequent and more serious than it has ever been during the past seventy years. What pleases one in particular is the pressure coming from different social groups expressing their own reasons for the state independency from their viewpoints.
Naturally, the question of state sovereignty is the question of all questions since having solved it we shall finally get the definite frame of the state, judicial law-enforcement and institutions within which we shall freely regulate all our internal relations and independently sovereignly create the system compatible with the European surrounding countries.
What I consider no less important than the question of state sovereignty, is the future social, political and economy system we are to live in once we have an independent and sovereign Montenegro. Bearing in mind the governing practice in Montenegro so far and rather modest effects achieved by the present coalition Government, we cannot be great optimists unless some more radical and positive political changes occur. On the contrary.
Having postponed the essential changes of system in Montenegro for ten years we are likely to effectuate a perverse transition out of an autocratic and totalitarian society in which the source of deprived freedom was ideology, into another also autocratic and totalitarian one in which the origin of deprived freedom lies in a non-controlled political and economic power in the hands of new oligarchy or, more precisely, "new capitalists".
During the past ten years, the Montenegrin authorities have skillfully and deliberately destroyed all the positive legacies of the past system such as the respect of law, system institutions and traditional moral standards. They have on the other hand conserved all the negative and destructive heritage such as strong political and authoritative influence upon the economy trends, a negative personnel selection and media control.

"NEW CAPITALISTS CLAN"
During the past ten years, the Montenegrin authorities have skillfully and deliberately destroyed all the positive legacies of the past system such as the respect of law, system institutions and traditional moral standards. They have on the other hand conserved all the negative and destructive heritage such as strong political and authoritative influence upon the economy trends, a negative personnel selection and media control. The combination of revoking the rules of the game and moral standards and managing economy resources without any control, created an ideal milieu for the colossal redistribution of national resources which are nowadays, ten years later, under the downright control of the newly formed class memebers or the "new capitalists clan". The entire philosophy of the privatization process was created in this way: "If you know somebody that can fix it up for you, you don't need money to purchase a company - you'll get it for nothing." Unfortunately, those who believe that the new-coming Montenegrin capitalism will develop market oriented economy and a free market everyone could benefit from (as it happened in the USA at the beginning of the century) are terribly mistaken.
That is why no foreign assistance and no "Pact of stability" will explicitly help Montenegrin citizens, unless deep and radical changes occurred in Montenegrin society and economy, the ones that could entirely modify all the mechanisms of reign and personal money making.
Apart from having devastated the economy, the political elite destroyed all positive ethical values of the society, creating the system in which the reign of power dominates the reign of law. Therefore I assume that besides the foreign capital which is more than ever absolutely indispensable, Montenegro needs internal cleaning, order and law according to the modern European surrounding. The first step would be to separate political power from business and economic processes in order to stop the corruption at the highest Government levels where the tragic concequences are most destructive. The strength and power should be transferred from Government to law and institutions where binding the law in practice would be controlled. Business activities must be regulated by regulations, not according to the decisions made by powerful Government individuals or the so called "businessmen".
Leaving behind enormous company losses and huge personal profits in friendly private companies, it is understandable why present managers get along very well with the practice of low salaries and zero responsibility that must be once and for all revoked. On the other hand, severe market rules of competition must prevail, which means that companies unable to make profit are to be closed immediately. In this way the incompetent managers incapable of fitting into the market oriented surrounding would be eliminated.
The corruption has been institutionalized and has turned into a natural phenomenon we are all used to, and that is where serious problems and mighty resistance will appear. How can a state fight corruption when it represents its strongpoint?

That is why no foreign assistance and no "Pact of stability" will explicitly help Montenegrin citizens, unless deep and radical changes occurred in Montenegrin society and economy, the ones that could entirely modify all the mechanisms of reign and personal money making.

NO MORAL - NO DEMOCRACY
Introduction of international standards to the practice of conducting public business is therefore inevitable so that the possible conflict of interests and power abuse by the state officials could strictly be regulated. Such standards would treat as criminal offence any kind of practice in which Government members and their relatives conduct private companies having business arrangements with Governement or any state companies. For example: investement agreements drawn up by Government officials in regard to apartment and office building worth tens of millions of DM, without public competition, arranged secretly and in a face-to-face bargain.
It is quite obvious that if Montenegro becomes an independent state preserving the already tightly nailed ruling mechanisms, it will not be a society of equal chances and prosperities for all its citizens. Its entire system will be based upon maximizing personal benefits for the members of "the new capitalists" clan.
After all the havocs we have experienced during the past ten years, it seems that the devastation of traditional moral code system has left the deepest traces which are not to be erased that easily. There is no democracy without moral. There is no economy growth without democracy. It means there cannot be any economic prosperity without rebuliding the savagely destroyed moral code Montenegro had cherished for centuries. A thief was a thief, an honest man was an honest man. Nobody in Montenegro history has ever been proud of being a thief, a smuggler or God forbid a violator or a murderer. It has all turned up-side down and only this kind of bottom society level emerges from the darkeness striding into the world limelight where it has become important and respected. The fact that the majority of them are illiterate, ill-manered, grabby, prepotent, vulgar and indecent people, is of course their problem, but them and those alike represent high society of nowadays Montenegro. Excuse me, but that is my problem too as well as the problem of every well-bred and well-intentioned Montenegrin citizen. After all, those who rose from the gutter to a position of prominence are incapable of making any progress and cultivating a system in which we can live a better life. Such moral and intellectual Pigmys can neither turn their low and inferiority complex stricken views into a vision, nor their daily intrigues and gossips into strategy.

It is quite obvious that if Montenegro becomes an independent state preserving the already tightly nailed ruling mechanisms, it will not be a society of equal chances and prosperities for all its citizens. Its entire system will be based upon maximizing personal benefits for the members of "the new capitalists" clan.


 

Kosovo: A "Lollypop" for the Naпve Diplomats?

Written by Dr. Ljubomir Frckoski, Executive Director of the Gligorov Foundation in Skopje

 There is almost a general preoccupation with the post-Kosovo's crisis, incarnated with discussions for the "Kosovo status". Slightly boring obsession of the western experts with the issue which they fixed as a "problem".
But what is, in fact, happening? Is really the peace in the region so dependable on the final status of Kosovo? In my opinion, definitely not. That can be only a "lollypop" for the naпve diplomats.
Namely, what is currently destabilizing the region are three factors: the authoritative regime in Belgrade and its pretension to "rule with others", to persist on, by this time, a non-serious "imperialism" (at the moment, focused inside the federation of FRJ) and all that combined with dynamism of the dictatorship; secondly, incapability of the Albanians in the region (with the exemption of Macedonian Albanians, who are, after all, a small subgroup) to organize a decent state structure that can function in a normal way and which can produce stability, in stead of anarchy and tribal sub-organization (which, with its collectivism, is often as strong as organized crime as a socially integrative practice); third, the syndrome of "weak states" in all of the Balkan countries - which symbolize an incapability of the state administration to give effective services to their citizens (and that is the reason why these states are incapable to become partners with the Western European states in the process of integration, and are also a "bad" recipient of aid, when the aid is arriving).
That means that the current status of Kosovo (under the UN Resolution 1244), in any reasonable way, is neither a problem, nor an obstacle for the Kosovo's Albanians to show energy for creation of state institutions and to establish democratic processes which can, de facto, realize Kosovo's independence. That will also show that Albanians can develop a respectable and efficient state environment. Finally, to become what they, in a rhetorical way, are constantly tending to be - "factor of stability" in the region, since Serbs are no longer "in the game", or can't in any way distract them from their "stabilizing" role in the region.

DEPENDNESS ON SOMEONE ELSE
But, why is it not happening? Because Albanians, until now, have shown that they are not capable to carry the responsibility for there own behavior. There is an obvious lack of a responsibility "towards themselves" which will engage energy for productive consolidation of the Kosovo situation, which will result with a formation of institutions and processes for re-establishment of order "from themselves" and not forced by some others (at this moment, the international community). This coincidentia opositarum - a coincident of opposition - is a very strange phenomenon, meaning of being dependable on someone else; firstly, in a negative sense, they were dependent from the rules established by the Serbian domination; and now, again, from the rules established by the international community.
Why is the instinct for creation of their own order combined with democratic institutions so weak, and lost in the "husk of protection", created by the international community? Normally, the semi-militant tribal organizations established on a primary social level can not be considered as institutions of low and order, because they are more typical for Mafia's, then for democratic inclinations.
Albanians are constantly in a position of requesting something from someone--from the international community, especially from some of its countries--representing themselves as victims of repression, which, for some time, they really were in Kosovo. But, when that period ended, a "cultural shock" occurred. There is nothing more to be requested, now its time for real work, but subjected by a minimal civil obedience and self-discipline.
There are two extensions of the culture of "requests": the request for independence and final status of secession from Yugoslavia, and the request for the "legitimate revenge" towards the Serbs. The second, as a pervert one, I would not comment at all. But we can look over the first one.
Namely, the request for complete independence of Kosovo is especially problematic from factual and legal aspects. The first one refers to the real impossibility for Kosovo's independence, defended by the Albanians. Still, they have desire for that. The Kosovo's Albanians, in fact, want independence as a symbol, even though they know that they are not in a position to protect it. In other words, they want others (the international community), in the same way as they "liberated them", to make them independent, and if possible to defend that independence from everybody around (especially from the Serbs). That means that the Albanians from Kosovo would have a status not only of independence, but also a status of international "babies" on which baby cry and request for help the international community should have the responsibility for fulfilling their demand in an especially committed manner. They would be in a position of independence, directly defended by others (which is contradictio in adjecto).
But, at the same time, they believe that they have the right to argue with anyone who, by some occasion, does not attend to provide their independence and defend it at the same time.

DOUBLED CRIMINAL ACTIVITIES
Certain political leaders from Kosovo are now saying, "UN Resolution1244 is overrun by the time". That really is indecent, since the Resolution (for which the whole international community sweated their a… and spent enormous energy for its mobilization, lobbying and realization) is not being half effectuated by now, much less overrun. The main problem is that it is not effectuated and there is a slight indetermination in it's realization, but not in the substance of solutions.
What can happen if, suddenly, the international community decides to leave Kosovo? Our "babies" would be shocked and run away again in Macedonia or northern Albania. In the following 48 hours Serbs will certainly re-occupate Kosovo, and UCK (or whatever it is), again, definitely, will not be capable to defend Kosovo. How pathetic and spoiled.
From legal aspect, the problem of independence opens up the precedence of changing the borders in a process of transition (which is unacceptable) and which is publicly rejected as an option. But, there is also something else: even if the independence request for Kosovo is looked upon with sympathy, according to the international law standards for state recognition at least two criteria are not accomplished: they can not efficiently control the territory (without international forces), and they do not respect or can not convey the rules of international law in protection of human and minority rights.
Also, the increase of the organized crime in that entity is doubled compared to last year. The eruption of the corruption and its effects are demolishing the chances for a creation of an appropriate democratic power in Kosovo. That will be a factor that will push that small state-like structure in a tribal and totalitarian waters, converting it into a small narco-fortress, making it a constant red-hot spot in the region.
Currently, Albanians from Kosovo can not solve this problem alone. They are very far away from that point at the moment, meaning that they should "bless" the foreigners and their efforts for normalization of Kosovo.
Mr. Bernard Coushner, in the mean time, instead of giving various statements--each one different from the previous one--must try to "detach" Kosovo and to set up the institutional framework of its selfconstitution (apart from its international status). Among all other things, he must incorporate Serbs from the northern enclaves of Kosovo, and establish a Kosovo's budget as well. It is understandable that those Kosovo citizens who receive their pensions and salaries from Belgrade do not see their future in Kosovo.
Finally, the borderline between Kosovo and Serbia must be kept and covered very preciously (from many independent reasons).

 


Meeting of the Ministers of Foreign Affairs in South Eastern Europe

                                                 "There is a need for faster implementation of the Stability Pact, otherwise the postponed realization of the promised commitments could send the wrong signals to the SEE countries"- said Mr. Aleksandar Dimitrov, Macedonian Foreign Minister, at the opening session of the Foreign Ministers meeting held in Ohrid on July 15, 2000.
During the two-day meeting the Foreign Ministers from Albania, Bulgaria, Greece, Turkey, Romania and Macedonia, together with the Special Coordinator of the Stability Pact, Mr. Bodo Hombach, and other distinguished guest and participants, discussed issues relating to the efficiency and speed of implementation of the Stability Pact as well as possibilities for democratic development of the region, with stress given to the situation in Serbia and Montenegro.
The ministers expressed their deepest concerns about the still-not-realized "quick start package" projects. The first one who "broke the ice" was the Albanian Foreign Minister, Paskal Milo, who told Mr. Hombach "not to lecture too much but to start working" with the practical implementation of the projects. Macedonian and Bulgarian Ministers expressed their disappointment at the slow realization of the project about Corridor 8. On this topic, there were certain disagreements between Greece on the one side, and Bulgaria, Macedonia and Albania on the other, because they could not counterbalance their attitudes.
The situation in Yugoslavia was the second "hot" issue discussed at the Meeting. The democratic forces in Montenegro and the Serbian democratic opposition were fully supported by all the Ministers. However, certain concern was voiced about the present situation in Yugoslavia, particularly because of the changes that the Yugoslav Parliament has made to the Constitution. On the status of Kosovo, all Ministers agreed that the complete implementation of Resolution 1244 of the Security Council remains paramount. The Greek Foreign Minister, Mr. Papandreu, put forward an interesting proposal, demanding that the Montenegrin and Kosovar delegations be included as observers on one of the next meetings; this was, more or less, viewed by the others as a new, possible opportunity for the Belgrade regime to provoke new problems in the region.
The Meeting finished with a Statement given by the Ministers in which they expressed their expectations for a more efficient realization of the Stability Pact. In addition, they complimented the involvement of the donor countries in the latters' efforts toward the future stabilization of the region.
However, the impression given by the chair where the Yugoslav Minister was supposed to sit remaining empty, still cannot provide a firm guarantee that "the story is finished".

  


Recent Publications


Economic Transition in Romania

Publishers: The World Bank & Romanian Center for Economic Policies
Editors: Christof Ruhl, Daniel Daianu
Language: English

E-mail: office@cerope.ro

This volume presents the proceedings of the conference "Romania 2000" which was held in Bucharest during October 1999. The event was organized jointly by the Romanian Center for Economic Policies and the World Bank with the aim of evaluating the state of economic transition in Romania. The publishers emphasize that this conference in Bucharest was momentous for several reasons: firstly, it represented a gathering of the best known economists in Romania in a quite unique endeavor for the local intellectual community; secondly, the collection of the papers in this publication indicates that there are significant intellectual resources in the country in spite of the heavy legacy of communism and the limits to compressing time in order to build up specific human capital; thirdly, the seminar was an honest and intellectually candid debate on the economics of transition and the issues facing Romania. In addition, discussions at the conference dealt publicly with some of the most challenging problems facing the Romanian economy, though in some aspects similar to all those economies in transition.

Women in Modern Society

Publishers: Citizens' Association Women to Women, Sarajevo
Association of Independent Intellectuals Circle 99
Editors: Memnuna Zvizdic, Prof. Dr. Vlatko Dolecek
Language: English, Bosnian
E-mail: zene2000@bih.net.ba

In early March this year, the Citizens' Association Women to Women and the Association of Independent Intellectuals Circle 99 organized jointly a public debate on the subject: "Position of Women in Society". The plan was to hold a serious debate about a rapidly established need following tragic events and experiences during the past few years that have radically changed the position of women in B&H society, where women want to struggle personally for their rights. This publication is a modest contribution to the reality of this question.

Reviewing Bulgaria's Progress Towards EU Membership

Publisher: European Institute, Sofia
Language: English
E-mail: info@europeaninstitute.net

The international conference "Reviewing Bulgaria's Progress Towards EU Membership", held on 9 November 1999 in Sofia, was the first major non-governmental effort in Bulgaria aimed at reviewing the country's progress towards EU membership. It was organized by the European Institute, with the support of the Bulgarian Ministry for Foreign Affairs and the Center for European Integration Studies in Bonn. The conference was aimed at providing an opportunity for representatives of the Government, the EC, NGO leaders and academic circles to review Bulgaria's progress towards EU accession on the eve of the European Council summit in Helsinki. The conference agenda was developed around the Copenhagen criteria for EU membership. This book includes conference reports, addresses, speeches and statements.

Security and Reconstruction of SEE

Publisher: Institute for Regional & International Studies (IRIS), Sofia
Editor: Georgi Tsekov
Language: English
E-mail: iris.bul@techno-link.com

This book is a collection of the basic documents and transcripts of the discussions at an international conference held in Varna, Bulgaria, in September 1999, and which had the same title as the book. The event was organized by IRIS, and was intended to be a policy outlook from the region on the subject of Balkan security and reconstruction. During the two days of discussion a variety of international speakers analyzed trends and perspectives of the region, contributing to the ongoing discussion about the main security problems in South Eastern Europe

SEE 2000 - A View from Serbia

Publisher: European Movement - Serbia
Editor: Dr. Jelica Minic
Language: English
E-mail:emins@eunet.yu

The decision to produce this study was taken during the last week of NATO's intervention in Yugoslavia. The study tries to give at least a partial answer to questions about the consequences of these events and about their influence on the future of entire region. Authors introduce new topics that they believe will be of great importance toward the future integrative potential of the region in the renewal of its infrastructure and the development of cross-border and cross-community cooperation as well as the role to be played by the non-governmental sector and its network in the region. The reader is offered a pro-European view of the future of the region from Serbia. The objective is to understand realistically the situation and promote cooperation and integration, since the publisher is convinced that this way alone can ensure security and development for Serbia.

A New Croatia: Fast Forward into Europe

Publisher: Europe House Zagreb
Editor: Ljubomir Cucic
Language: English (summary in Croatian)
E-mail: europe-house-zg@zg.tel.hr

Authors of this document dare to project a total transformation of Croatia. Modern European political values would be established and economic reforms undertaken, sufficient to see a new growth "tiger" on the South Eastern edge of the EU, becoming comparable to Ireland on its North Western edge. The author of the book's preface, Michael Emerson from CEPS, answers positively the question he poses: could a performance - like that of modern Ireland - be now set in motion in Croatia? However, for that to be achieved, he documents at least three stringent conditions connected with the full democratization of Croatia, with an improvement in the business environment to a level that would be considered by international enterprises as excellent, and with the final decision of the nation and the country's leadership as to whether Croatia really wants to become part of modern Europe? The new Croatian Government's answer seems to be yes.
Members of EGIDA (European Civic Initiative have made contributions towards this paper for the Democratic Alternative) in co-operation with IMO (Institute for International Relations) and other independent experts from Croatia.

Serbian Elite

Publisher: Helsinki's Committee for Human Rights in Serbia
Editors: Latinka Perovic, Petar Lukovic, Seska Stojanovic
Language: Serbian
E-mail:office@ihf-hr.org

This book consists of three parts: "From Memorandum to 'Collective' Responsibility" (written by Dr. Olivera Milosavljevic), "Church in the Politics and Politics in the Church" (written by Dr. Radmila Radic), and "Destruction of the Serbian University" (written by Obrad Savic). It represents a thorough analysis of three major social, political and intellectual assets of the Serbian political scene that supported and stimulated Milosevic's regime and the rise of the Serb nationalistic ideology and war atmosphere during the last 15 years of the 20th century. The publisher's intention was to offer an in-depth perspective on certain institutions "which have devastated Serbian society, and de-professionalized and destroyed all Serbian institutions", and which were crucial toward the respect of human rights in the country. The publication is a highly interesting chronicle of events and people - the main actors in a nation's tragedy. It is a very illustrative and indicative account.

A Comprehensive Trade Policy Plan for the Western Balkans: A Bold Initiative to Bring More Stability and Prosperity to SEE

Stanislav Daskalov and Nickolay E. Mladenov from the European Institute in Sofia, and Daniel Gros, Paul Brenton, Michael Emerson and Nicholas Whyte from the Centre for European Policy Studies in Brussels, wrote this working paper.
Trade flows and trade policies are a crucial aspect of economic progress in general. They play a central role in stimulating economic growth, integration, regional economic cooperation and political stability. Thus, trade liberalization needs to be at the heart of reform and adjustment in the Western Balkans, especially given that all these countries are small economies without significant domestic markets. This study proposes a radical plan, which comprises of asymmetric liberalization of the EU trade policies towards the countries of the Western Balkans and the removal of trade barriers for regional export to the EU. This would be followed by the gradual inclusion of the Western Balkans in CEFTA, thus further liberalizing intra-regional trade and trade with Central European countries. Free trade agreements between the region and EFTA and Turkey will lead to the region's integration in the pan-European free trade area. Increased market access will compensate for eventual customs revenue losses for the countries of the Western Balkans and facilitate the economic revival and development of SEE as a whole.


Moralistic Foreign Policy Sometimes Does Good

By Flora Lewis
(The author is a columnist with the New York Times Syndicate)

The thesis that American policy toward the rest of the world swings dramatically between Wilsonian idealism and Nixon-Kissinger cynical realism was never quite true. There is always some of each, or at least a pretense of it. There is now a heavy stress on a moralistic approach to foreign policy.
It comes through resoundingly in an unusual document proclaiming the tasks of a "Community of Democracies" just endorsed by 106 states at a conference in Warsaw late June. High-minded ambitions don't provoke big headlines in these skeptical times, so the occasion went almost unnoticed until France, the 107th country represented, created a diplomatic incident by refusing at the last moment to accept the Warsaw declaration. Foreign Minister Hubert Vedrine said he welcomed the debate about "furthering democracy" but there could not be a commitment for group action or "new caucuses." He told a press conference that France was convinced that democracy cannot be imposed, which U.S. Secretary of State Madeleine Albright, who was also in Warsaw, said had never been the intention.
There are some peculiar little contradictions in the French position, such as opposing a European Union role in the new "Community," although France is the most ardent advocate of a European common security and foreign policy; an argument against international caucuses, although France has organized some and supports several; an apparent personal slap at Mrs. Albright, although Mr. Vedrine has gone out of his way to have good relations with her and avoid the petty anti-American tiffs indulged by some predecessors.
But it is true that this was essentially a U.S. initiative, supported warmly by Poland as host to the first conference. It did not exactly set up a new international organization, but it arranged for frequent exchanges and suggested a "democracy caucus" at the United Nations and elsewhere. Further meetings are to convene every two years, and South Korea, Chile, Mali and Portugal have already signed up as future hosts.
The document is ultimate pie in the sky, calling for all the good things that comprise democracy, stressing the importance of economic development to support it, and setting the goal of eradicating poverty. Yet, for that kind of international pledge of good behavior, it is remarkably specific on a long number of points including press and religious freedom, minority protection, political organization and, the sine qua non, recognized free and fair elections.
It could certainly be argued that few, if any, of the signatories actually live up to the premises defined. But then the point is to create pressures and incentives, as the Helsinki accord did for human rights in Europe in 1975. Mr. Kissinger thought little of the rights section, but since the Europeans insisted, he accepted it as harmless. Now it is widely judged that Helsinki was a critical factor in the demise of the Soviet bloc and the collapse of communism.
The Warsaw declaration and a Polish communique summing up conference decisions go into detail about what community members ought to do to help democracy grow roots where it is fragile and to make it costly to run a military coup against a constitutional government or force a rigged election. The allusions were clearly to Pakistan and Peru, which were not named. The idea was to make criticism and therefore opposition easier and more effective, through international numbers.
There is no mechanism for enforcement and no legal obligation, even the weak requirement of international law. But this is an attempt to launch a political commitment to sustain democracy.
One is reminded of the Kellogg-Briand pact which outlawed war in the 1920s, as the world was bumbling toward World War II. This, too, is words, which will matter or not according to what people with power in many places are prepared to do about them.
It would seem to put the United States in a position of shared responsibility even as its Congress refuses to consider treaties, such as those on the criminal tribunal and against land mines, which might subject America to constraints imposed on others.
There is indeed a gap between the document's aspirations and what can be seen going on. But there is also a clear effort to help translate principles into practice, not to run the world but to help it run better. The pendulum has moved in the direction of idealism.

 


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